100 Days of Tearing Down Institutions—and Opponents
Analysis
100 Days of Tearing Down Institutions—and Opponents
Ten thinkers on the start of the U.S. president’s second term.
Klawe Rzeczy illustration for Foreign Policy/Getty Images
This article is part of a collection on the second-term president’s approach to the world. Read the full package here.
This time around, U.S. President Donald Trump’s first 100 days have been the polar opposite of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1933. Whereas Roosevelt responded to the economic crisis that he confronted by building government programs and shoring up broken institutions, Trump has used the start of his second term to tear down as much as possible.
So far, Trump is so determined to pursue his goals that he has been willing to suffer the risk of throwing the economy into turmoil—as reflected by his announcement and then partial retreat from sweeping reciprocal tariffs this month.
This time around, U.S. President Donald Trump’s first 100 days have been the polar opposite of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1933. Whereas Roosevelt responded to the economic crisis that he confronted by building government programs and shoring up broken institutions, Trump has used the start of his second term to tear down as much as possible.
So far, Trump is so determined to pursue his goals that he has been willing to suffer the risk of throwing the economy into turmoil—as reflected by his announcement and then partial retreat from sweeping reciprocal tariffs this month.
Policy is not Trump’s only focus—retribution is another. At his first campaign rally of the 2024 election season, held in Waco, Texas, then-candidate Trump made his intentions clear: “For those who have been wronged and betrayed … I am your retribution.”
As promised, his administration has conducted an all-out assault on the institutions that opposed him and his agenda in the past eight years: law firms, universities, the press, the courts, the bureaucracy, foreign allies, and more.
But going after institutions is not just about settling scores. Another effect is to weaken, if not completely undermine, the foundation of opponents who could cause Trump problems as he ramps up his pursuit of an agenda that revolves around tariffs, tax cuts, territorial expansion, and gutting the administrative state.
Read More
The U.S. Judicial Crisis Is Uniquely Dangerous
But other democracies provide a roadmap for courts to prevail over attacks from the executive branch.
If the president continues intimidating those with the capacity to fight back, there will be fewer people who can stand in the way as the administration grows bolder in its ambitions. So far, only federal judges have been willing to stand firm in the face of Trump’s executive storm.
Ultimately, the United States’ two major political parties still retain the most power to dictate the country’s direction. If enough Republicans broke with their decision to defend and empower the president, he would instantly become very vulnerable, even to the threat of impeachment. Should Democrats find an effective message and electoral strategy to win back control of the U.S. House of Representatives in 2026, then they will have a formidable power base to rein him in.
Julian E. Zelizer is a columnist at Foreign Policy and a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University. His most recent book, In Defense of Partisanship, is published with Columbia Global Reports. He is the author of The Long View, a newsletter putting the news in perspective. X: @julianzelizer
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